The late US vice-president Dick Cheney, who passed away at the age of 84, was considered arguably the most influential occupants of that position in American history. While many vice-presidents were limited to minor or ceremonial positions, Cheney exercised enormous influence during the term of George W Bush, so much so that he was frequently referred to as the "actual president".
Bush resented this portrayal and claimed the connection was more nuanced. He pointed out that Cheney was respectful, consistently calling him in official appearances as the President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their association as a partnership because it implied that they were equals. Despite these denials, Cheney found the relaxed president accommodating on a whole raft of administrative determinations.
The Period Following the Attacks
In charge of a group of neo-conservatives that featured Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he strongly advocated the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been taking part in a meeting at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took command, ordering the destruction of any unresponsive airplanes heading toward the Capitol building.
Cheney claimed the attacks transformed him, leading him to become determined on revenge. In conjunction with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a invasion of Afghanistan in an attempt to apprehend Osama bin Laden. Cheney then vigorously pushed for the armed intervention of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Disputed Actions
He showed no remorse about the armed intervention, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He stated to CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate information echoed by Cheney, was the correct decision. "It represented the proper decision to do then. I had faith then and I hold that view presently."
Yet even then, there were opposing views at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own special envoys to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not reappointed from the post. "I saw, at a minimum," he wrote later "clear negligence, negligence, and irresponsibility: in the worst case, falsehoods, ineptitude, and corruption."
Wider Perspective
Cheney was not completely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Prior to 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had written a memorandum setting out situations in which US concerns might be endangered (featuring "availability of crucial commodities, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be positioned to operate alone when joint efforts cannot be arranged," specifically referencing defense operations against Iraq.
Bush also had arrived in the Oval Office somewhat determined on carrying out what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. After he had been sacked by the administration, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill disclosed how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his objective of diminishing America's participation in the Middle East dispute and proposed military action against Iraq.
Bush carried a individual resentment against Saddam, convinced he had been involved in a conspiracy to assassinate his parent, President George HW Bush, on a visit to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that each person had to tread upon.
Questioning Techniques
However it was Cheney who was one of the most vociferous behind striking Iraq, frequently citing information documents that were both thin or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush White House politely called as "intensive questioning", the application of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Answering a Senate report in 2014 that concluded that no valuable data had resulted from the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the findings as "riddled with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to implement measures and establish programmes to capture the bastards who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney reveled in monikers given to him by detractors such as the dark character and The Prince of Darkness, and by the notion that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the author's 2013 book about the two, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen emerge from his domain? It's a effective way to operate, in fact."
Commercial Ties
Controversy over his commercial relationships followed him throughout his time as vice-president. Even though he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in defence, particularly in Saudi Arabia, he was asked to become part of Halliburton, one of the world's biggest petroleum corporations, in 1995 as leader and chief executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's VP candidate for the executive branch. Debatably, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was awarded US contracts totaling billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His annual income during his period at the firm grew from his quarter-million dollars during his time as Pentagon chief to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
